Dec 16, 2014

Drugs and machismo are a dangerous mix

The Economist
HIALEAH, Nicaragua
From the age of 13 Victor Toruño walked the dirt streets of Hialeah, a slum in Managua, Nicaragua’s capital, with a shotgun in his hands. His gang, Los Cancheros (a cancha is a sports pitch), ruled the neighbourhood. “We felt that with guns we were like gods, we could do anything we liked,” he says. Gang members were his only friends; a tattoo of a skull on his left arm commemorates one whose head was cut off with a machete. “I was machista. I was the one who told everyone what to do. I was like a psychopath,” he says.    
Mr Toruño, now 27, absorbed the codes of machismo from infancy. While he hid under the bed, his father would beat up his mother. His father later abandoned the family. Mr Toruño developed the same traits. He abused his partner, Martha, yelled at his two children and felt hatred for those outside his gang. Martha started to hate him, too. She considered stabbing him with a kitchen knife after he punched her in the face. “I was living with an animal,” she says. Eventually she left him.
In 2013 social workers from a Nicaraguan NGO, the Centre for the Prevention of Violence (CEPREV), approached Mr Toruño in Hialeah. They showed him crude cartoons that mirrored his own life of violence, alcoholism and domestic abuse. “I saw myself in every image,” he says. It affected him so deeply that he agreed to attend workshops to discuss the impulses that machismo had encouraged in him.
Machismo is a tricky topic to discuss, not just with hard cases like Mr Toruño. Sociologists say that though the origins of the word are Spanish, it is a lazy stereotype applied to Latin American men. Macho cultures exist everywhere, they note. Scholars seeking to explain the horrific murder rates in Latin America (see chart) point to the region’s role as a conduit for drugs and the gang culture that the trade brings with it. The few social programmes that touch on machismo deal with the damage it does to women, rarely with its effects on men.
Yet machismo helps entrench violence and worsens its effects. Souped-up notions of masculinity are not uniquely Latin, but they are rife in the region, especially among poorly educated youths. Women suffer greatly; men do at least as much. The murder rate among men aged 15-29 in Mexico and Central America is more than four times the global average for that age group, according to the UN. More than 90% of victims in the region are men; globally the average is 79%. A 2011 study of murders in Ciudad Juárez, on Mexico’s border with the United States, contends that the sadistic humiliation of victims that marks these crimes arises from the region’s corrosive understanding of masculinity.
Global forces exacerbate the problem. Young men, competing for jobs in a global market, have fewer opportunities; studious women have more. Denied the role of breadwinner, some men seek to prove themselves through crime, violence and domestic abuse. Often they have grown up without fathers because of divorce, war or migration. The result, says Monica Zalaquett, the head of CEPREV, is a “pressure-cooker effect” that cannot be contained in later life. Tackling machismo directly can lessen the chance of explosion.
During 15 years CEPREV says it has broken up about 90 gangs in Nicaragua by focusing on young men’s exaggerated sense of masculinity and the violence that it leads to. In 2012-13 CEPREV spent six months working in a slum adjacent to Hialeah where crime was rife. Social workers counselled gang members on their lack of self-esteem, their concepts of machismo, their broken families and their pent-up anger. They also sought to educate the police about the dangers of machismo. Citing police statistics, CEPREV claims that crimes such as mugging, theft and sexual harassment more than halved after its intervention. In neighbouring Hialeah, where CEPREV had not yet entered, crime rose 16% during the same period.  
The agency cannot prove that its work caused the drop in crime; other factors may have helped. But the results are so promising, says Andrew Morrison, head of gender issues at the Inter-American Development Bank, that the bank is funding evaluations of CEPREV’s programmes in neighbouring Honduras, which has one of the highest murder rates in the world. If they prove successful, they could be expanded into much bigger crime-prevention efforts run by the government.
But funding for such programmes is scarce, not least because governments worry that they are touching a cultural taboo. Focusing on protection of women seems easier. Two years ago Sergio Muñoz was sponsored by the UN Development Programme to hold a series of crime-prevention workshops for police in Costa Rica, called “masculinity and violence”. He was baffled to discover that funding for such projects has dried up. “You can’t hope to improve the fate of women if you don’t work with the men, because these patterns of masculinity are repeated from generation to generation,” he says. 
In Mexico a programme run by the interior ministry employs social workers to counsel children on the perils of machismo. Officials acknowledge that it is a new field, and that they were laughed at when they first proposed the idea of encouraging “new masculinities”. But it may be changing attitudes. In a particularly violent part of Gómez Palacio, in the northern state of Durango, children counselled on gender equality have painted street scenes showing men carrying cudgels and verbally abusing women. One young boy, César Vargas, came up to your correspondent and told him with no prompting that men are “very rough” and should learn to respect women. Older children are enticed into counselling with incentives like football coaching. Grown men are generally considered lost causes.

Mr Toruño’s experience suggests that is wrong. He is now reunited with Martha. At a gathering of family and friends their two children run excitably between them. “I used to think women were useless. Now I think they are a treasure,” he says. He helps at home with the children and the housework, and shrugs it off when others laugh at him. Los Cancheros do not laugh; he has persuaded his gang mates to renounce guns and enter counselling. Without it, he says, “I’d be dead, in a wheelchair or in prison by now.” Half a dozen wiry young men around him nod in agreement.

Dec 15, 2014

Capacitación: Pymes en cursos online

La Prensa
Una de las barreras a las que se enfrentan las pequeñas y medianas empresas es la falta de capacitación. Eso les impide, además de crecer, incorporar en sus procesos productivos innovación y calidad, y por tanto ingresar a los mercados internacionales se vuelve misión casi imposible.
Es por eso que ahora 300 pymes son atendidas por Walmart en Centroamérica, tienen la opción para cursar una capacitación en línea a través de la plataforma e-learning, que cuenta con diez cursos y contempla temas como mercadeo, análisis del entorno, finanzas, control inventarios y servicio al cliente, entre otros.
Las pymes también pueden intercambiar experiencias en foros interactivos y consultar a los expertos que han creado los diferentes módulos de capacitación, o bien, se les puede consultar por correo electrónico.
El desarrollo de esta plataforma, cuyo costo asciende a 150,000 dólares, fue posible gracias a una alianza entre Walmart y Fundes, entidad encargada de desarrollar la herramienta. Por tratarse de una capacitación en línea, está disponible las 24 horas del día desde cualquier computadora con acceso a internet.
Luego de cada curso, el proveedor podrá probar los conocimientos adquiridos a través de  test. 
En Nicaragua, los cursos llegarán a los productores beneficiados con el programa Una Mano para Crecer”.

Dec 10, 2014

Climate change in Nicaragua pushes farmers into uncertain world

As crops fail and the weather becomes less predictable, Nicaraguans are seeing rising food prices amid debate on how to defend the country against climate change
Oliver Balch
The Guardian
Mercedes Azevedo lost her house and 17 relatives when a mudslide triggered by hurricane Mitch engulfed her village in October 1998. More than 2,500 people died in the Casita Volcano tragedy, one of the worst in Nicaragua’s recent history.
Now, 51-year-old Azevedo and her fellow survivors find themselves under threat from the weather once again. This time it’s too little rain, not too much.
“I lost all my crops in the first harvest: three manzanas (5.2 acres) of corn and one manzana of beans. Everything, gone … I rent my land and now have debts I can’t repay,” she says, standing on the porch of the house in Santa Maria, Chinandega province, where she was resettled after the hurricane.
Drought, floods and price hikes
She’s not alone. A severe four-month drought during this year’s “wet” season hit agricultural production in two-thirds of the country’s 153 municipalities. More than 100,000 farmers were affected, according to official figures
At the height of the drought, thought to be the worst in Nicaragua for 44 years, the government needed to provide subsidised rice and beans to stave off a hunger crisis. At one stage, it even advised people to supplement their diet by breeding iguanas for consumption
“It’s been tough. We’ve had to substitute beans for rice, tortillas and potatoes,” says 49-year-old Julieta Bucardo, a shopper in the central market of León. “The price of beans, for example, reached more than 37 cordovas (£0.89) recently. At the start of the year, we used to think 15 was a lot.” 
When the prolonged drought eventually ended in late August, it did so with such violence that the government announced an emergency to cope with the flash floods. Only with the recent arrival of the year’s second harvest has the price of staple grains begun to fall. 
Nicaragua’s recent weather patterns will not surprise many climate scientists. The2013 global climate risk survey (pdf) places the Central American nation of 6 million people fourth in its list of countries most affected by climate change.
“The variability of the climate is starting to become an almost normal process, with long periods of drought and then floods,” says Germán Quezada, a climate specialist at Centro Humboldt, a Managua-based NGO. 
“The problem is that the usual pattern of cultivation has been thrown up in the air. People just aren’t sure when to plant or what to plant,” says Quezada. “Small farmers are the worst hit because they don’t have the resources or irrigation that the large farmers have.”
A recent study (pdf) by the International Centre of Tropical Agriculture predicts that if temperatures continue to rise, Nicaragua could see its annual corn and bean production drop by up to 34,000 tonnes and 9,000 tonnes by 2020, respectively. 
Nicaragua’s coffee industry is already counting the cost. The country’s second largest agricultural export earner registered losses of up to $60m in 2012-13 due to an outbreak of coffee leaf rust, which spread to 37% of the crop.
“Coffee leaf rust only used to affect farms below around 800 metres. With the changes in climate, we’re now seeing the disease reach as high as 1,300 metres,” says Santiago Dolmos, an agronomist with Cecocafen, a major coffee exporter.
Climate-friendly agriculture
“Treating these kind of losses as an emergency situation is not the answer. It has to be part of a longer-term development solution,” argues Azevedo. 
For Nicaragua’s agribusiness lobby, such a solution lies in the greater use of chemicals and more advanced technological inputs. Upanic, for instance, an influential industry group, held the country’s first conference on agricultural biotechnology in October.
Environmental groups are pushing for a different approach, arguing that the best defence against climate change is a more diversified, more ecological approach to farming. Their arguments chime with Nicaragua’s strategy for food sovereignty and security (pdf), which includes a law promoting organic and agro-ecological production.
“Large-scale agriculture isn’t the answer,” argues Rafael Henríquez, a spokesman for Oxfam Nicaragua. “Ironically, it’s the poorest farmers that are closest to the agro-ecological model, although it’s more through necessity than environmental conviction.”
The national roundtable for risk management in Nicaragua, an alliance of 20 smallholder organisations, is working to formalise these incipient, ad hoc efforts with research and training in best practice. 
Nicaragua’s commitment to small-scale, ecological agriculture is by no means secure, says Martín Cuadra, a rural development expert at Simas, a Managua-based research institute and member of the roundtable. He points to loopholes in a proposed law on the registration of seeds that could open the door to genetically modified crops.
“The effects of climate change combine with global pressures from agribusiness companies to introduce GMOs,” says Cuadra, who believes such a move would ultimately imperil smallholders’ freedom. “Those who control the seeds control the stomach. And those who control the stomach, control life itself.”

Dec 3, 2014

El Banco Mundial advierte por cambio climático en AL

El aumento de temperaturas disminuirá los rendimientos agrícolas de la región
'Las consecuencias para América Latina serán graves', apunta un estudio de la dependencia
Banco Mundial
El Banco Mundial (BM) advirtió de las "graves consecuencias" que puede acarrear el calentamiento global en América Latina, cuyo temperatura podría aumentar entre dos y cuatro grados centígrados a mediados de este siglo en comparación con la era preindustrial.
"Las consecuencias para el desarrollo de América Latina y el Caribe serán graves a medida que disminuyan los rendimientos agrícolas, los recursos hídricos cambien de lugar, aumente el nivel del mar y el sustento de millones de personas se vea amenazado", apunta el estudio "Bajemos la temperatura III: cómo hacer frente a la nueva realidad climática", publicado hoy por el Banco Mundial.
El calentamiento actual de la región, cifrado en 0.8 grados, podría aumentar severamente en las próximas décadas si no se actúa "inmediatamente", según las consideraciones del informe basado en una investigación previa del BM que calcula el incremento de la temperatura del planeta en cuatro grados para fin de siglo.
"El informe confirma lo que los científicos vienen diciendo, las emisiones pasadas nos pusieron en un camino de calentamiento que durará las próximas dos décadas, algo que afectará más que nada a las personas más pobres y vulnerables del mundo", dijo Jim Yong Kim, presidente del BM.
"Ya podemos observar temperaturas sin precedentes a un ritmo cada vez más frecuente, un mayor nivel de lluvias en ciertos lugares y regiones propensas a la sequía volviéndose más secas", agregó en referencia al informe, publicado con motivo de la XX Conferencia de las Partes (COP, en inglés) de la Convención Marco de las Naciones Unidas sobre el Cambio Climático (CMNUCC) que se celebra estos días en Lima.
Kim advirtió que estos cambios dificultan la reducción de la pobreza y también amenazan el sustento de millones de personas, a la vez que afectan al impacto de las operaciones en zonas de desarrollo de instituciones como la que él preside.
En América Latina y el Caribe, las olas de calor extremo y los patrones de lluvia cambiantes tendrán un efecto negativo sobre la productividad agrícola, los regímenes hidrológicos y la biodiversidad, según apunta el texto.
En concreto, si no se hace nada para evitarlo, en Brasil los rendimientos de los cultivos podrían reducirse hasta en un 70 por ciento para la soja y hasta en un 50 por ciento para el trigo en caso de un calentamiento que alcance los dos grados centígrados para el año 2050.
Asimismo, el Banco Mundial advierte de que el Caribe se verá "particularmente afectado" por la acidificación de los océanos, el aumento del nivel del mar, los ciclones tropicales y los cambios de temperatura que impactarán en las formas de vida costera, el turismo y la salud.
"Para el año 2050, y bajo un escenario de cuatro grados centígrados, las inundaciones costeras podrían generar a la región pérdidas de alrededor de 22 mil millones de dólares, entre daños de infraestructura y pérdidas de turismo", dice la institución.
Y es que aun con un calentamiento por debajo de los dos grados centígrados, la mayoría de los países latinoamericanos y del Caribe deberán llevar a cabo "proyectos significativos de adaptación" para alcanzar los objetivos de erradicar la pobreza extrema y fomentar la prosperidad compartida, agrega.
Leer el estudio aqui (en inges).

Dec 1, 2014

La minería y las contradicciones del Frente Sandinista en Nicaragua


Actualmente el territorio concesionado para proyectos mineros en Nicaragua corresponde a alrededor del 11% del territorio nacional. Uno de los territorios donde se está librando una de las mayores resistencias es el municipio de Rancho Grande, en el departamento de Matagalpa.
Alexander Panez Pinto
El Ciudadano, Chile
Nicaragua, mítica para la izquierda por la lucha de Sandino contra la ocupación estadounidense en la década de los treinta y por la Revolución Popular Sandinista de finales de los años setenta, que lograría el derrocamiento de la dictadura de la familia Somoza que gobernó el país por más de 45 años.
El gobierno Sandinista, teniendo que enfrentar una dura oposición militar y económica de Estados Unidos y la oligarquía nacional, desplegó programa basado en el pluripartidismo, la economía mixta y el no alineamiento internacional, buscando consolidar un Estado nacional democrático con fuerte contenido social que nunca había existido en el país.
Sin embargo, la derrota electoral de los Sandinistas en 1990, implicó que el pueblo nicaragüense tuviera que soportar tres gobiernos de derecha (algunos con descarados componentes de corrupción como el periodo de Arnoldo Alemán) que comenzaron a implementar las políticas neoliberales en boga por esos días en la región, buscando además desterrar los logros alcanzados por la revolución.
Luego de esto, un “renovado” partido Sandinista ha vuelto al poder desde el año 2006 encabezado por uno de sus líderes históricos Daniel Ortega, el que llegó con la promesa de fortalecer la unidad nacional y corregir el rumbo de miseria y desigualdad que azota al país. No obstante, el país no ha estado exento del despojo vivido en la actualidad en la mayoría de los países de América Latina. Uno de los ámbitos donde se puede apreciar la práctica de desposesión es en la actividad minera.
OLEADA DE MINERAS
La minería es un tema antiguo en Nicaragua, donde en muchas comunidades trabajadores históricamente se dedicaron a la minería artesanal. Sin embargo, al igual que en otros países, se experimenta una nueva oleada de explotación minera a gran escala debido al alza de los metales dentro de la especulación de los mercados internacionales y el crecimiento depredador de las principales potencias.
Actualmente el territorio concesionado para proyectos mineros en Nicaragua corresponde a alrededor del 11% del territorio nacional, donde los ingresos por las exportaciones de oro en bruto en el año 2012 alcanzaron los US$431.9 millones, cantidad superior en 18.6% a los obtenidos en el 2011, cuando aportaron US$364.1 millones.
Este avance minero inicialmente no tuvo una oposición organizada por las comunidades afectadas por el proyecto. No obstante, a partir de las experiencias padecidas por territorios afectados por proyectos mineros, donde se evidencia el deterioro en la salud de la población local, la escasez y contaminación del agua (debido a las gigantescas cantidades de agua utilizadas en el proceso de lixiviación con cianuro que permite separar el metales del resto de la composición mineral), la destrucción generalizada del territorio y donde las condiciones económicas de las familias no han mejorado sustancialmente. Frente a esto, los nuevos proyectos mineros han encontrado mayor resistencia de la población local. Uno de los territorios donde se está librando una de las mayores resistencias es el municipio de Rancho Grande, en el departamento de Matagalpa.
EL PAVÓN Y RANCHO GRANDE
Rancho Grande es un pequeño municipio donde viven aproximadamente 35.000 habitantes, cuya principal fuente de sustento es la agricultura (cacao, café y granos básicos como el frijol) y donde se pretende instalar el proyecto El Pavón para la extracción de oro por parte de la empresa canadiense B2Gold (una empresa canadiense explotando oro en América Latina).
La empresa B2Gold ya cuenta con otros proyectos en Nicaragua en las localidades de Santo Domingo Chontales y la Comunidad Santa Pancha en Larreynaga León, en donde en el año 2012 lograron batir records de producción generando aproximadamente 157.885 onzas de oro.
El pueblo de Rancho Grande, con una fuerte tradición de organización, al alertarse por la iniciativa minera comenzó una fuerte resistencia. Han sido numerosas las marchas y asambleas desde el año 2010 cuando la B2GOLD adquirió la concesión de exploración de oro. Desde esa fecha, la oposición al proyecto ha contado con el respaldo de población campesina, organizaciones de la sociedad civil, iglesia católica y evangélica.
Leer mas aqui.

In Nicaragua, turning to tarantulas when crops fail

An employee handles a tarantula, known as Costa Rican Tiger Rump (Cyclosternum fasciatum), at the Exotic Fauna Store in Managua

AFP
His corn and bean fields ravaged by drought, Nicaraguan farmer Leonel Sanchez Hernandez grudgingly found a new harvest: tarantulas.
He gets a little over a dollar for each of the hairy critters, which breeders sell overseas as pets.
His take may not be much, but in Nicaragua, a dollar buys a kilo of rice or a liter (quart) of milk.
And in just two weeks, Sanchez Hernandez, his aunt Sonia and cousin Juan caught more than 400 of the spiders.
The hunt is playing out in northern Nicaragua, which suffered severe drought from May to September. Sanchez Hernandez’s fields were a total loss.
The 27-year-old was skittish at first about poking around in underground nests, under rocks and in tree trunks in search of the feisty arachnids.
Risky? 'As long as the collection of the wild animals doesn't threaten the population as a whole. Breeding them in captivity will soon render wild collection irrelevant anyway as each female can produce well over a hundred offspring per year, almost none of which would survive to adulthood in the wild. Add to that that females can live twenty years or more, meaning that the limited market would soon be saturated,' said a person knowledgeable in exotic animal trade.
But he donned thick gloves and mustered up the courage, because the alternative was to see his family go hungry.
“It is the first time we have gone out to look for tarantulas. We were a bit afraid, but we sucked it up and did it because of the drought,” he told AFP.
Sanchez Hernandez has a wife and four kids to feed. His aunt is not well off, either—she is a single mother of five children, and was also hit hard by the drought.
Their loot secured, the pair traveled more than 100 kilometers (60 miles) to the outskirts of the capital Managua.
There, they handed the tarantulas over to Exotic Fauna, a firm that started this month to breed the spiders for export.
With approval from the country’s environment ministry, the company is hard at work, setting up glass cases with sawdust beds as part of a project to breed 7,000 tarantulas. 
“We plan to sell them at a price even higher than that of boas,” which go for up to US$8 (RM27) apiece, said Exotic Fauna owner Eduardo Lacayo.
Lacayo has invested more than US$6,000 in the business. He got the money... from selling turtles.
Customers in US, China
Tarantulas are carnivores that eat crickets, worms and newly born mice that breeders drop in their tanks—one tarantula per tank, so they don’t fight and kill each other.
“It is easier to handle a boa than a spider,” Lacayo said.
Tarantulas are territorial and when they feel threatened, they bite and secrete a toxic goo that causes allergies and pain, he said.
The spiders abound in tropical and arid parts of Central America. Despite the fact that they are so common, lots of people are afraid of them.
Females lay about 1,000 eggs when they give birth. The larvae come out in sacs, which the mother places in a spider web. Of that load, anywhere from 300 to 700 will hatch.
“We have customers who have confirmed they want this kind of species,” Lacayo said, referring to clients in China and the United States.
Trade in tarantulas, which can live many years in captivity, is one of the ways Nicaragua is trying to diversify its exports by taking advantage of its rich biodiversity. The country is the second poorest in the Americas, after Haiti.
The first to get the bug was Ramon Mendieta, owner of an exotic animal farm in Carazo department, south of the capital. He sells around 10,000 tarantulas a year to clients in the US and Europe.
Mendieta, who has been at it for three years, says profit margins are thin because production costs are high. These costs include special care that the tarantulas need to protect them from parasites while in captivity.
But there is competition out there. Chile sells a species of tarantula that is less ornery than the Nicaraguan ones. Colombia and the United States are also market players.
“There are a lot of people that love to have them at home, some as pets and others because they like danger,” said biologist Fabio Buitrago of the Nicaraguan Foundation for Sustainable Development. — AFP

Nov 27, 2014

Cuso te invita al 1° Foro sobre el impacto del voluntariado en Nicaragua

¡No te lo pierdas! Cuso International te invita al 1° Foro sobre el impacto del voluntariado en el desarrollo de Nicaragua.

Fecha: 4 de diciembre de 2014
Hora: 8:30AM-15:00PM
Lugar: Hotel las Mercedes, Managua

Violencia hacia la mujer impacta la economía

Cientos de personas marcharon en managua por el fin de la violencia. OSCAR SANCHEZ/END
REALIDAD - Por subsidio o días hospitalizada una mujer pierde dinero por culpa de la violencia
35 POR CIENTO de las mujeres que viven en pareja, aproximadamente, sufren malos tratos físicos o psíquicos en Nicaragua.69 MUJERES nicaragüenses han sido asesinadas este año dentro o fuera del país.
Lizbeth García y Velia Agurcia Rivas 
El Nuevo Diario
   En el marco del Día Internacional de la Eliminación de la Violencia Contra las Mujeres, varias organizaciones marcharon ayer a favor de eliminar las causas que generan esa violencia que deja pérdidas económicas aún no contabilizadas en áreas urbanas, aunque en las rurales es donde se sufre con mayor fuerza.
   Según el diagnóstico comunitario “Mujer, Violencia y Migración en el año 2012-2013”, realizado por la organización Nicasmigrantes, entre 1,348 personas, al menos 6 de cada 10 mujeres reconocen la violencia intrafamiliar como un problema social y de salud que afecta a sus familias.
   “La perciben en las palabras (53%), en la irresponsabilidad paterna (38%), en la violencia física (37%) y violencia sexual (12%). Nos expresaron que las causas principales y desencadenantes son el machismo, el alcohol, los celos e inseguridad, la falta de educación, la intolerancia y la irresponsabilidad paterna”, indica un informe de la organización.
   “En el ámbito rural la violencia es más fuerte, porque para la mujer es más difícil acceder a la justicia, a sistemas de denuncia fiables y hay mucha presión en términos culturales, pero eso no significa que sea menos cruenta”, reafirmó Ignacio López, de la Red de Desarrollo Sostenible, que trabaja en 14 municipios del país.
IMPACTO ECONÓMICO
   López apuntó que la violencia afecta el desarrollo económico del país por el impacto que tiene en la salud de las mujeres, pero dijo que no hay que limitarse al conteo. “Pero también es un impacto a la moral y a la ética que como sociedad queremos construir y desarrollar para vivir en igualdad y sin violencia”, agregó.
   Según el estudio de Nicasmigrantes, el ciclo de la migración y el de la violencia social e intrafamiliar genera en las mujeres problemas de salud como estrés (50%), dolor de cabeza (50%), dolor muscular (38%), agotamiento físico (31%), depresión (30%), presión alta (26%) e insomnio (18%).
   No existen datos oficiales sobre los días de subsidio u hospitalización, o días de trabajo que una mujer pierde a consecuencia de la violencia en Nicaragua, sin embargo en el marco de un conversatorio sobre violencia contra la mujer, organizado por el BID, este año en Washington, se conoció que el costo económico de la violencia contra la mujer en América Latina y el Caribe oscila entre 1.6% y 3.7% del PIB.
   Mientras, el costo económico y social de perder una vida resulta incalculable.
   Por eso, Nicasmigrantes demandó eliminar las causas “desde cada uno de nosotros y nosotras, con la finalidad de salvar vidas de mujeres, niños, niñas y varones” y la aplicación rigurosa de la ley.
AVANCES INSUFICIENTES
   Para la coordinadora del Programa Interdisciplinario de Estudios de Género, Greta Fajardo, llegar a una verdadera equidad de género requiere de un proceso continuado de flujos y reflujos, por lo que así como puede avanzarse un paso, se retroceden dos.
   A su juicio, Nicaragua es un país respetuoso jurídicamente en esta materia, lo que ha permitido ganar un piso para poder lograr algunos progresos. Uno de ellos es la política de equidad del Estado y la Ley de Igualdad de Derechos y Oportunidades o Ley 648, en la que se promueve la participación femenina en la administración pública y poderes estatales.
   “No solo es sancionar una acción penal sino también prevenir con estrategias de educación que permitan a los niños desde el primer año de clases, ir transformando esos roles, y educarlos desde la igualdad, desde la perspectiva de género”, agregó Fajardo.
   Juanita Jiménez, del Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres, explicó que según datos de la Comisaría de la Mujer y del Instituto de Medicina Legal “han disminuido las denuncias”, pero lo que en realidad está sucediendo es que las mujeres que llegan a denunciar violencia son derivadas a las consejerías institucionales o comunitarias.

Además, demandaron la despenalización del aborto y respuesta a los recursos que en ese sentido interpusieron; que se le pague lo justo a las mujeres cuyas tierras se verán afectadas por la construcción del Canal Interoceánico, y justicia y sanción para los agresores de mujeres.

Nov 25, 2014

Would huge Nicaragua canal be win for China?

Frida Ghitis
CNN
   When plans were announced to build a giant new transoceanic canal across Nicaragua, the young Hong Kong businessman leading the project acknowledged the widespread skepticism. "We don't want it to become an international joke," said Wang Jing, a 40-year-old with no significant engineering experience and a background he described as "very normal."
   That was in June 2013, when the Nicaraguan legislature, controlled by President Daniel Ortega, had just allowed Wang to move forward with his five-year project .
   It is not certain that the canal, which would be one of the most ambitious and expensive engineering projects on Earth, will ever get built. But it looks set to move forward, and even some of the most determined doubters are starting to reconsider.
   Last Thursday, the government and Wang's company, Nicaragua Canal Development Investment, announced that construction will start on Dec. 22.
The development's estimated price tag -- $50 billion -- is four times the size of the entire Nicaraguan economy. The canal itself would be deeper, wider and longer than the Panama Canal, just a few hundred miles to the south. The Panama Canal's expansion is almost ready, which raises the question of why another costly canal is needed.
   The Nicaraguan opposition has called the project the biggest scam in the country's history, and engineering experts are divided over whether the project is feasible.
Pedro Alvarez, chairman of civil engineering at Rice University, has expressed doubts that it will ever be completed. He worries that it will be abandoned. His greatest concern is severe damage to Lake Nicaragua, the largest freshwater reservoir in Latin America.
   Other engineers say the quick turnaround between contract signing and construction leaves room for doubt that the plans are solid. And David Ashley, an engineering professor at the University of Nevada who was a consultant to the Panama Canal Authority, said the Panamanians examined the Nicaraguan idea and concluded that it did not pose a threat to their own expansion plans.
Mystery and suspicion have surrounded the proposal from the beginning. To this day, nobody understands who will pay. When Vladimir Putin made a surprise visit to Managua last July -- the first by a Russian president -- Nicaraguans wondered whether the canal figured in Russia's new geopolitical calculations.
   But it is the Chinese government's role that has most people talking. The country is abuzz with rumors that Wang is a front for Beijing, which is looking for strategic security for its vital imports.
Wang, who was born in Beijing, has repeatedly denied the accusations. Nicaraguan officials also deny Russian involvement.
   Wang was also in town last July, startling many Nicaraguans by revealing the exact route of the canal. The announcement made the project seem real, threatening the potential displacement of people living on its path and fueling concerns from environmental groups.
Chinese workers have started arriving for construction that will run from the Rio Punta Gorda on the Caribbean Coast to Brito on the Pacific. By some estimates, 30,000 people will have to be relocated to carve a path 172 miles long, up to 1,700 feet wide and 90 feet deep. The prospect is nothing short of alarming for those living in the area.
   Demonstrators have launched at least a dozen protest marches, and an environmental lawyer has filed suit against the project at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, charging "The government has sold us to the Chinese."
   The president says the project will mark a turning point in the country's development, creating tens of thousands of jobs and giving a long-term boost to economic growth.
   But critics see something different. The idea of building a canal linking the Pacific and the Atlantic across Nicaragua dates back hundreds of years. This new, enigmatic venture, however, began almost as an Ortega family project. In 2012, the president sent his son Laureano to China. That's when Wang first made contact with the Ortegas. Not long after that, Wang was in Managua and by June of 2013, the president and the Chinese businessman signed the agreement to build the canal. The legislature quickly rubber-stamped it.
   At home, critics say Ortega is relinquishing national sovereignty in order to help those close to him enrich themselves. Small farmers living along the planned path worry about displacement and environmental degradation. Environmentalists say the proposed route, which includes a large tract across Nicaragua's largest lake and its main water supply, will put the country at risk.
   Whether or not Wang is a straw man for China's government, there is no question that a new Chinese-built waterway across Central America and a project of this magnitude would expand China's influence in the region. A transcontinental canal, of course, is an important strategic asset.
China's influence in Latin America is nothing new. Beijing has a voracious appetite for natural resources and very deep pockets. It is steadily supplanting the United States as the main trading partner in the region.
   There is a difference between trade with China and trade with the United States. Commercial exchanges with American firms are, for the most part, conducted with the private sector of the United States, which has much weaker ties to the government in Washington than Chinese firms do with their central government.
   Already China has become the top trading partner for major Latin American economies, notably Brazil and Chile. Beijing is lending money to Latin America, developing multiple projects and making more business inroads. Economic ties tend to translate into political links.
   The skeptics still doubt the canal will be built, but the ambitious time line signals the parties are serious. The biggest mystery surrounding the project, whether it would ever get off the ground, is about to be resolved.
   Frida Ghitis is a world affairs columnist for the Miami Herald and World Politics Review. A former CNN producer and correspondent, she is the author of "The End of Revolution: A Changing World in the Age of Live Television." Follow her on Twitter @FridaGhitis.

Empresarias: “falta igualdad de oportunidades económicas”

Hatzel Montez Rugama
El Nuevo Diario 
   A través de un comunicado, la Red de Empresarias de Nicaragua, REN, cuestiona el posicionamiento de Nicaragua en el sexto puesto entre los países donde existe mayor equidad de género, según el se refleja en el Reporte Global sobre Equidad de Género, del Foro Económico Mundial.
   Para la REN, el índice no muestra la realidad que enfrentan las mujeres nicaragüenses, principalmente respecto a la igualdad de oportunidades económicas.
   “Tal como el mismo estudio señala, en materia de igualdad de oportunidades económicas, Nicaragua tiene aún un largo camino que recorrer, puesto que las mujeres tienen mucho menos oportunidades laborales y ganan mucho menos que los hombres del país, como también lo señala un estudio realizado recientemente por el PNUD”, dice la comunicación de la Red.
   Agrega que los negocios de las empresarias nicaragüenses tienden a ser más pequeños que los que pertenecen a los hombres, y lo asocian a la brecha existente entre un género y otro en cuanto a acceso a recursos económicos. En ese sentido, señalan que solo el 12%  del total de exportadores individuales son mujeres.
OTROS PUNTOS
   Por otro lado, la misiva detalla que en los puestos de toma de decisión de los gremios, las mujeres están poco representadas con solo un 16% en sus Juntas Directivas.
   La REN también se refiere a la violencia contra la mujer, reflejada en femicidios y asesinatos.
   La misiva finaliza señalando que el índice no corresponde a la realidad del país, y produce resultados que “no contribuyen a tener una idea clara y real de la situación actual de las mujeres de Nicaragua, donde la lucha por la equidad de género está aún lejos de concluir”.

Nov 18, 2014

Nicaragua: Decree To Implement Law On Violence Against Women Setback For Women's Rights

Nicaragua's Comprehensive Law on Violence Against Women, or Ley 779, is a historical demand of the women's movement, but the Decree to implement is problematic according to feminists in this country.
By Gabby De Cicco
Association for Women’s Rights in Development
In July 2014, President Daniel Ortega once again acted autocratically by signing in a Decree to implement Law 779, without consultation with the National Assembly or the women´s movement. The Decree has introduced amendments that concern feminists, including reinstating a clause regarding mediation between a woman and her attacker and reformulation of how feminicide is understood.
In Nicaragua, women's rights have experienced a series of setbacks since October 19, 2006, when abortion was criminalized under all circumstances. Since then, Ortega has been moving closer to the Catholic hierarchy, and implementing various reforms in a dictatorial fashion.
In April AWID spoke to Azahalea Solís from Movimiento Autónomo de Mujeres (MAM, Autonomous Women's Movement) regarding the Constitutional Reform passed in Nicaragua and its effect on women's rights, she said, “Now the Constitution says that our country is “under the inspiration of Christian values”. Individual rights are also affected, as now the community and the traditional family values prevail upon them. New structures known as “family cabinets" can make decisions about your private life, for instance, harassing women to stop them from filing for divorce, leaving their husbands or reporting violence. Also women’s police stations are now instructed to protect the “cohesiveness of the family” above women’s right to integrity.”
Changes to law, the decree and its constitutionality 
Some of this regression is reflected in the process around Law 779 “Comprehensive Law on Violence Against Women", that first entered into force on June 22, 2012. On September 25, 2013 the National Assembly introduced amendments with Law 846, which entered into force on October 1, 2013. Importantly, while there was no stipulation in Law 779 about how the law was to become effective, Law 846 stipulates that the law be signed in accordance with Article 150 in the Constitution.
Sofía Montenegro, one of MAM's co-founders, spoke to AWID, and points out, " After a law has been passed by the Legislative, the Constitution gives the President 60 days to issue a decree stating how the law should be implemented. If he fails to do so, he loses this power and it is the role of the National Assembly to do so. The deadline for the President to issue the decree was November 30, 2013, but he only issued Decree 42-2014 eight months later on July 30, 2014 and it was published on July 31. In addition Decree 42-2014 it is more than a regulation to implement the law, it introduces illegal modifications in the text of Law 779.   
According to Montenegro the women's movement has organized demonstrations and parades against this measure, questioning the constitutionality. MAM published a policy position paperon August 14th, rejecting the amendments, and more than 100 claims on unconstitutionalityhave already been submitted to the Nicaragua´s Supreme Court against the Decree. One of the claims on unconstitutionality, submitted by the Comité de América Latina y el Caribe para la Defensa de los Derechos de las Mujeres (Cladem) states that the Decree “violates two principles of the Nicaraguan National Constitution: one is the rule of law, that no decree can oppose the Constitution, and the second has to do with the  fact that the president is not permitted to reform any law at his own discretion”. The processes of these claims is an ongoing process.
Civil society and including the women movement requested hearings with the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IAHRC), but this was not granted. The regional body was also asked to follow-up on the situation as mandated by Article 41 of the Inter-American Human Rights Convention - this second request is still awaiting response. 
Changes in favour of protection of the family
Montenegro explains, “the object of Law 779 was to address violence against women, in the Decree the goal of the law changes and seeks to 'Ensure that the family is strengthened'. In terms of the scope of applicability, Law 779 was designed to apply to both the public and private sphere, against those perpetrating violence against women in an isolated or repeated way. Now, the Decree makes this law applicable only to those that have or have had a relationship to the victim - by blood, affinity, as spouse, former spouse, de-facto partner, boyfriend, etc. 
The most problematic amendment is around feminicide,  Law 779 defined feminicide as a crime 'committed by a man who, within the framework of unequal power relationships between men and women, murders a woman in a public or private space, under any of the circumstances already mentioned", whereas now it is limited to interpersonal relationships. 
The Decree creates Family Counselling services and affirms that the axis of the law must be the protection of the family. In the community, the Family Counselling units will conduct home visits and training on values. These units will be staffed by volunteers; judicial, pastoral and family facilitators; religious leaders and the  “Family, Community and Life Cabinets” and thepolice will also be involved.
Montenegro explains, "These Cabinets are para-State/para-party structures in which the political secretaries of the leading party, Frente Sandinista, and appointed party members are involved." Its goal is to "promote the common good, solidarity, Christianity and peaceful coexistence between the families in a community", according to it elections manifesto. She adds, "These structures are permitted to mediate, without having any specific training and with a family-centered approach that does not protect women's lives or integrity. Authorities will have to help each other to issue an injunction. With all this, a woman who is a victim of violence will not be able to file a complaint with the police if she has not gone through a mediation process with the Cabinets. Mediating through the 'Community Family Counselling services' becomes compulsory de-facto." 
Reactions from the women's movement
In addition to organized demonstrations and parades in protest of this decree, feminists and women’s rights advocates have spoken out about their concerns. In the journal “Envío” Azahalea Solís speaks specifically about the mediation clause which existed before Law 779 was passed, and that "far from stopping violence it actually aggravated it, causing more harm and, in the worst case, the woman's death. The message the State is conveying to society through this decree is lethal, not only because it means encouraging impunity but also turning the State and all its officers into principal accomplices of violence, because having perfect knowledge that mediation does not work for this kind of anti-legal behaviour, what they do is consent to the crime and deliberately favour perpetrators. This leaves women completely helpless."
Every month, Catholics for Choice-Nicaragua publish an infographic with data on incidents of violence against women and feminicides. In an interview with the portal “Confidencial”, their representative, activist Magaly Quintana said, "Ortega's Decree seeks to render feminicides invisible. He is no longer hiding data as he did earlier with maternal mortality and sexual violence, but aiming to hide reality and show that there are less feminicides in the country. Now all of these crimes taking place in the public sphere will not be counted and will face lesser punishments."
Sandra Ramos, from Movimiento de Mujeres María Elena Cuadra, who shared her understanding with the same source, believes the government is showing that "it lacks a spirit of gender and is also not interested in learning about women's realities. It just created this tool in its own image and seeking to endear itself to the Church hierarchy".
Montenegro states that with these amendments to the Law 779, “the Ortega regime has brought women back to a pre-modern stage in which they are under the tutelage of other individuals, groups and institutions - like the Family Councils - depriving them of their autonomy as free persons capable of representing themselves. In fact, it takes us back the status we had under the Napoleonic Code: unable to make our own decisions and placed in the same category as children and 'idiots'. The Ortega regime is a dictatorship that has deprived all Nicaraguans of their political rights, but in the case of women, our right to life has been taken from us, as illustrated by the elimination of therapeutic abortion and the amendments to the article on feminicide”.
In Nicaragua, women continue to be alert and react against these authoritarian moves made by Ortega and stands up against what MAM, has called "an operative mechanism for social control and repression that serves the totalitarian regime under development" with full impunity.
*The author would like to thanks Sofía Montenegro.

Nov 12, 2014

La pobreza en Nicaragua tiene cara de varón

Estudio que presenta hoy la Fideg, revela que en la mayoría de hogares pobres y los pobres extremos, el jefe del hogar es un varón
Manuel Bejarano
El Nuevo Diario
Las probabilidades de que un hogar no pobre se convierta en pobre en el país, o que un hogar pobre entre a la categoría de extrema pobreza, aumentan más cuando la familia está bajo la tutela de un hombre y no de una mujer.
Esa es una de las conclusiones del estudio “Dinámicas de la Pobreza en Nicaragua 2009-2013”, que presentará hoy la Fundación Internacional para el Desafío Económico Global, Fideg, con el apoyo de la Agencia de Cooperación Suiza en América Central y del Gobierno de Canadá a través de Relaciones Exteriores, Comercio y Desarrollo de Canadá.
Los “hogares (de los pobres y extremos pobres) tienden a estar encabezados por hombres, y las mujeres jefas de hogar son menos frecuentes que en el caso de los no pobres”, precisa el estudio.
LA POBREZA
El análisis, realizado con base en la “Encuesta de hogares para Medir la Pobreza en Nicaragua”, que realizó Fideg entre 2009 y 2013 de manera consecutiva, sostiene que el 66.5% de los hogares no pobres tienen como cabeza de familia a un hombre, y solo el restante 33.5% está a cargo de una mujer.
El porcentaje de hogares con jefes de familia varones sube a 71.2% cuando se habla de pobres en general, y aumenta aún más, a 74.5%, en la categoría de extrema pobreza.
El estudio concluye que “el porcentaje de jefas del hogar es ligeramente mayor en los hogares no pobres (33.5%)” en comparación con los hogares pobres en general (28.8%) o los que están en pobreza extrema (25.5%).
OTROS FACTORES
La vulnerabilidad de convertirse en pobre o caer en extrema pobreza en Nicaragua, además, es mayor en los hogares rurales en comparación con los hogares urbanos, así como en aquellos más numerosos, explica el estudio.
En promedio, las familias de los hogares en extrema pobreza estaban conformadas por 6.8 miembros, mientras que los hogares no pobres estaban conformados por 4.1 miembros.
Es más probable, también, que los hogares caigan en pobreza general o extrema pobreza cuando el jefe del hogar tiene más años de edad, menos años de estudios aprobados, trabaja en actividades agropecuarias, en el sector informal o por cuenta propia.
Según el estudio, los jefes de hogar tienen como promedio de edad 50 años, tanto en los pobres como en los no pobres.
Y en relación con la educación, los jefes de los hogares pobres extremos tienen en promedio 1.7 años de estudio, mientras que los hogares no pobres, 6 años.
Los pobres de Nicaragua, además, se caracterizan porque tienden a vivir en casas propias, pero muchas veces sin documentos legales. Sus viviendas usualmente están construidas con madera o adobe, piso de tierra y techo de zinc, entre otras características.
VULNERABLES
Según el estudio, que presenta hoy Fideg, en Nicaragua existen muchas probabilidades de caer en pobreza o pasar de la pobreza en general a la extrema pobreza.
En el 2013, según la “Encuesta de Hogares para Medir la Pobreza en Nicaragua”, el 40.5% de la población nicaragüense vivía en condiciones de pobreza general, y el 9.5% de extrema pobreza.
Para ese entonces, la pobreza en general ya había disminuido 4.2 puntos porcentuales, en comparación con los resultados de la encuesta de 2009, cuando se ubicaba en 44.7%. El país ha mejorado mínimamente también en extrema pobreza, en la que tuvo una reducción de 0.2 puntos porcentuales entre 2009 y 2013.
Sin embargo, el estudio “Dinámicas de la Pobreza en Nicaragua 2009-2013” alerta sobre la vulnerabilidad que existe de caer en pobreza, ya que el 38.2% de los hogares que fueron clasificados como no pobres en el 2009, cayó en pobreza en alguno de los cuatro años siguientes, “por lo tanto son hogares vulnerables”.
El restante 61.8% de esos hogares calificados como no pobres logró mantenerse sin caer en la pobreza en los 4 años siguientes, concluyó el estudio.
Por otra parte, el 41.6% de los hogares en extrema pobreza mantuvo su estado al año siguiente de cada encuesta; el 47.5% mejoró su estado y pasó al de pobreza no extrema, y 10.9% dejó de ser pobre.
“Para los hogares que habitan en el área urbana, la probabilidad de caer en pobreza --ya sea extrema o no-- es menor que para los hogares que habitan en las áreas rurales”, asegura el análisis.
El estudio califica como “vulnerables” a los hogares que eran “no pobres” en el 2009 y no se mantuvieron en ese estado hasta el 2013, por el contrario considera “no vulnerables” a los que eran “no pobres” y lograron mantenerse en ese estado en el mismo período.
38.2 Por ciento de los hogares “no pobres” en el 2009 cayeron en la pobreza en alguno de los cuatro años siguientes.
¿QUÉ AYUDA A SALIR DE LA POBREZA EN NICARAGUA?
Oportunidades • La educación sigue siendo uno de los factores más importantes para salir de la pobreza en el país, sin embargo, “el nivel educativo de los nicaragüenses ha permanecido estancado en los últimos años”, asegura el estudio “Dinámicas de la Pobreza en Nicaragua 2009-2013”.
Si bien, en el país se ha pasado de 5.9 años de estudios a 6.1, es decir, se ha completado la educación primaria formal, Fideg, a cargo de este estudio, recuerda que “la educación secundaria es la que más influye en la probabilidad de transitar fuera de la pobreza o caer en ella”.
El empleo ha influido más en ese sentido.
El estudio afirma que en el 2013 había más personas trabajando de las que había en el 2009, “aunque la calidad de los empleos no mejoró y era bastante deficiente”. El estudio sostiene que “basta con que el jefe del hogar tenga un empleo informal, para que las probabilidades de salir de la pobreza aumenten significativamente y, a su vez, disminuyan las probabilidades de caer en ella”.
Asimismo, que “parte de la reducción de la pobreza experimentada entre 2009 y 2013 se debe a un aumento de la población ocupada”.
Son determinantes, en menor medida, el acceso a remesas familiares, las que pasaron de US$768.4 millones en el 2009, a US$1,077.7 millones en el 2013, y el acceso a los beneficios de los programas productivos del Gobierno, que al 2013 beneficiaban al 6.3%.

Nicaragua's staggering child-sex abuse rates

One of the highest rates of sexual violence against girls in the world.
Al Jazeera
Managua - Martha Velasquez was an ordinary 12-year-old schoolgirl until February when she was raped by her cousin's boyfriend. The 34-year-old grabbed her as she went to buy plantain chips, dragging her inside the church where he worked as a caretaker.
He raped her and warned her to say nothing.
Velasquez' real name has been changed along with other children quoted to protect their identify. She spoke to Al Jazeera at a refuge on the outskirts of Nicaragua's capital, Managua. "He said if I told anyone he would hurt my little sisters like he'd hurt me. I felt terrible, but I was scared, so I kept quiet."
Nicaragua has one of the highest rates of sexual violence against girls in the world that flourishes amid a patriarchal society, high levels of impunity, and discriminatory laws curtailing women's human rights.
Last year, forensic doctors examined 6,069 sexual violence victims - a 27-percent rise from 2010, according to new Institute of Legal Medicine (IML) figures.
A staggering 82 percent of victims were children: 3,065 aged 0-13 and 1,897 aged 14-17. Nine out of 10 victims were female, and more than 80 percent, like Velasquez, knew their abuser.
The true number of victims is undoubtedly much higher, as an estimated 90 percent of sexual attacks are never reported to the authorities, according to IML.
"Sexual violence against girls is so brutal and so naturalised in the country that it is considered normal, and machismo underlies it all," said Mayte Ochoa from Ipas, a global reproductive rights organisation.
'Barely seen as a problem'
A recent study by the Nicaraguan Foundation for Economic and Social Development (Funides) found 17 percent of 15 to 19-year-old girls surveyed said their first sexual experience was a result of pressure from their partner, or rape. One in five of the girls had suffered sexual violence in the past year.
For Velasquez, the nightmare worsened. In July, her mother who still knew nothing about the ordeal, took her to the doctor as she had painful swollen feet. Velasquez was five-months pregnant, and suffering from pre-eclampsia - a life-threatening condition common among adolescents.
Nicaragua has the highest teenage pregnancy rate in Latin America, with 28 percent of women giving birth before the age of 18, according to the United Nations Population Fund.
In 2012, 33,812 babies were delivered by girls aged 10 to 19 - equivalent to one in every four live births, according to the latest available Ministry of Health figures. This included 1,609 new mothers aged 10 to 14.
Sex with a child under 14 automatically constitutes rape under the Nicaraguan penal code, but there are no official prosecution figures available. Only one percent of sexual attacks results in a successful prosecution, according to Lorna Norori, coordinator of the Movement against Sexual Abuse.
The impact of adolescent pregnancies are manifold.
Many girls are expelled from school for setting a bad example, even though this violates their legal right to education.
"In 99 percent of teenage pregnancies a girl's education, job prospects, and ability to provide for her family are reduced," said Rosa Romero, a sexual and reproductive rights expert from children's NGO Plan International.
"It should worry the state that teenage pregnancies, usually involving much older men, have become so naturalised that it is barely seen as a problem," she added.
Read the rest here.